The purpose of this article is to challenge the assumption that it is the 'leaders' who sell out rank and file members, and to highlight that 'leaders' reflect the median moderate worker within Trade Unions. It therefore favours a more bottom-up grassroots focused analysis of Trade Union activity over a top down hierarchical 'leadership' focused analysis. It is my argument that constantly talking about the ICTU 'leaders' is disempowering and a more actor-worker-centered focus is better suited to Libertarian politics.

Related Links:
An article by Andrew F. concerning how the Governement attacks workers through hiring freeze in public sector | A second article by Andrew F. telling us Employers retreat but ICTU talks are not a victory| Sean Matthews argues that the "outburst of condemnation" against the bankers is legitimate class anger | Pat C reports on a call for the resignation of David Begg by a teachers' union. | Paddy Hackett does not like the bad leadership at IMPACT

According to many amongst the left In Ireland it is the 'leaders' of ICTU in Ireland that enter national socio-economic pacts, and that this is at odds with what their rank and file members want. However, most evidence indicates the complete opposite. Most empirical research (Bacarro, 2002, Geary, Roche 2005) concludes that rank and file members tend to be more conservative than their Trade Union leaders, and overwhelmingly support 'partnership' or 'dialogue' over militant industrial action. Furthermore, detailed research has found that greater internal trade union democracy actually favours the moderate over the radical. In countries where Trade Unions support national social-pacts (in wage bargaining and other socio-economic policies) there tends to be more democracy within Unions i.e. Ireland and Netherlands. In countries where Unions have been more militant and opposed to social pacts there tends to be less internal democracy within Unions i.e. Korea.

Today (Thursday) there is a vote of students in UL on fees. It arose from a proposal by the chairperson of UL Fianna Fail to make students vote on what kind of fees we want – which would have assisted the Student's Union to 'lobby' for that specific type of fees, instead of fighting to defeat all forms of fees. Student opposition, including from the UL branch of F.E.E. succeeded in getting a ‘no fees’ option 4 included, which reads: “I am opposed to alternatives to exchequer-funded third level tuition fees”,

UL F.E.E. have been the only ones campaigning on the vote, with everyone else focused on the SU officers elections. F.E.E. has been calling for a clear, "No to fees" vote - putting No Fees as your 'number 1' vote and not giving any vote, even a second preference, to the other pro-fees options.

Related Links:
Support the International Global Week of Action Against Fees
Recent Indymedia.ie feature Schools Out! Stop the Commercialisation of Education by Mark Conroy
Conor Murphy of SEED on why Third level fees should be re-introduced
FEE's Website - Free-Education.info

Don't Just Sit There
Contact EVERY TD, Senator, and MEP about this - Contact.ie

That the very threat of a national strike was enough to force government and IBEC to change their position demonstrates the power the working class holds when we threaten to withdraw our labour. For all the media attempts to convince us we are powerless and that class struggle is a thing of the past when faced with the reality of the organised working class standing up both bosses and state were keen to avoid any confrontation that could illustrate and encourage our collective power.

Related Links: Main Indymedia feature on M30 | TUI call for the resignation of David Begg | CPI statement on Labour Party's disengagement from M30

That is the positive side of the story. The negative side is that the union leadership who were in any case largely forced to call the ballot for the national strike through pressure from the grassroots of the union have now called off the strike on the weakest of excuses. Activists within the unions knew all along this was a likelihood, most of the union leadership are almost as afraid as the bosses of workers getting a true sense of our collective power. From the start the ICTU leadership have sought ways to convince workers that we had to pay for the crisis, to share pain in their terms, despite the fact that during the long years of the Celtic Tiger there was no sign of the bankers or property speculators being keen to ensure workers got to share the wealth.

Potentially, thousands of workers will take to the streets of the country next Monday. Indymedia and DCTV are pooling resources to cover the day and are calling for you, the readership, to contribute your reports, photographs and videos to compile an accurate grassroots account of what could be a significant date in this latest round of the struggle for workers’ rights and social justice.

March 30, next Monday, has been named by ICTU as the day the public sector unions will close up shop and shut the country down, in protest against the imposition of the ‘pensions levy’ and the failure to honour recent pay agreements. However, private sector workers are also looking for an occasion to vent their anger and it is likely that the one-day shut down will receive some significant support from this quarter too.

Several affiliated unions have successfully balloted their members to support a walk out; the country's largest craft union the Technical Engineering and Electrical Union is to serve notice to the government and employers today. Meanwhile IMPACT, Ireland's largest public-sector trade union, has voted not to take part in M30. Sixty-five per cent of the membership voted to take part in the demonstration, however a 66% majority is needed to carry industrial action. The union's executive will meet tomorrow to consider the options.

Indymedia’s coverage of the run-up to the day begins with a feature article on this morning’s front page, focusing on the rejection by Dublin Bus workers of the Labour Relation Commission’s proposals. As the week unfolds, Indymedia and DCTV will be reporting it on the web and on Channel 802 on the Digital NTL network.

As well as looking for your contributions, we’ll be interviewing TU activists through the week and featurising a contribution by economist Michael Taft on tactics. To encourage debate, we’ll be inviting specific contributions from organisations such as WSM, People Before Profit, Socialist Party, Socialist Workers Party, Sinn Féin, Irish Socialist Network and the Labour Party before the end of the week. More importantly, we’ll be providing space to air discussions on tactics as they stand and ways in which the struggle can be brought forward. We’re inviting all workers, Trade Unionists and anyone pissed off or affected by cuts in our Public Services to get involved in this debate and to tell everyone how they are resisting the levy. We’re relaxing some of our editorial guidelines to permit the airing of more robust opinions. We will continue to deny space for fascist, sexist or racist opinions and will hide posts which descend to personal abuse.

Related Links: The initial call out | Gilmore engages in the withdrawal technique | Dublin Bus Workers reject LRC recommendations | Support Industrial Action by the Bus Workers by WSM | CPI statement on Gilmore's bizarre intervention | More comment on the LP's response to M30 at the Cedar Lounge

Time for a general strike? 0.04 Mb

Workers in Dublin bus rejected the Labour Relation Commissions proposals on Thursday 19th March. They are now planning an all out strike from March 30th. This article firstly deals with the background to the current standoff in Dublin Bus, then examines the initial proposed 'cost effectiveness plans' issued by Dublin bus management on the 16th January 2009, subsequently it will review the LRC proposal and conclude with some reflections on how the situation will unfold over the coming months. It is based upon detailed discussions with a driver with who has been working for Dublin Bus for 35 years.

1. Introduction: The problem began with the government

Dublin Bus is a semi-state private company which is legally mandated to be run on a commercial basis. It is not a state company and whilst it provides a public service, drivers are now de facto private workers. For example, drivers were not affected by the recent pension levy. Pensions differ within Dublin Bus but generally they are akin to private sector pensions defined by contribution. Some are defined by benefit. Drivers tend to view themselves as public workers even though in principle they are private workers. Dublin bus because of its commercial basis cannot run at a loss. So, whilst it makes rational sense for a public service providing transport to a population of 1.5 million people to run at a loss, it can only do so if it covered by a state subsidy. Dublin bus is the lowest subsidised 'public transport service' in the EU.

Related Links: List of bus routes affected by cut backs | Vote in the Irish Times poll in support of the Bus Drivers Strike | Video of Dublin Bus Workers protest on Feb 11 | Support Industrial Action by the Bus Workers by WSM | Bus workers ballot for strike action | Support the workers against the bullying bosses at Dublin Bus | Dublin Bus Drivers Victimised for Joining Union and Organising | Privatisation – the rip-off of public resources